Dr. Farid 1. Muhammad
Member, IHRAAM Directorate
A UN/NGO in Consultative Status with ECOSOC


Neither before nor since the well documented 16 January, 1995 report to the U.N.
Commission on Human Rights, as filed by the Special Rapporteur (Mr. Maurice Glele-
Ahanhanzo) concerning contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia,
and related intolerance in the U.S.A.; has appropriate research been conducted and
adequately nuanced to assess the legitimate human rights concerns and needs of
American national minorities. This is particularly true as concerns the unique problems
confronted by formerly enslaved ethnic minorities (i.e. African-Americans). As is well
evidenced by the aforesaid report, gross disparities between the majority ethny and the
African-American Community relative to such critical socio-economic indicators as: health,
education, housing, employment, political participation, economic development, criminal
justice and the application of the death penalty, police violence and incitement to racial
hatred are well documented and continue to worsen.

Therefore, within this socio-legal context, the International Human Rights Association of
American Minorities (IHRAAM), a NGO in consultative status (roster) with the Economic and
Social Council (ECOSOC) of the United Nations (U.N.), conducted a national telephone
survey of predominantly African-American citizens. This exploratory and modest survey of
710 subjects, covering 24 major American cities with high concentrations of African-
Americans, was done in collaboration with student researchers majoring in the Behavioral
& Social Sciences at East-West University in Chicago, Illinois U.S.A.. All data were gathered
during the month of May, 1999. The primary purpose of this fledgling study was to help
generate much needed basal data relative to assessing African-American citizens'
familiarity with human rights provisions as covered under international law, as well as
determining their attitude toward the issue of "Self-Determination”. Thus, this paper is
prepared for those professionals and laypersons, both nationally and internationally, who
are concerned about the issues of cultural and socioeconomic equal status between
dominant groups and national minorities within multinational states.

Except for a pilot phone survey of registered voters in the City of Chicago, Illinois which
was conducted by IHRAAM in 1993, comparable data is almost non-existent. Thus, research
which is appropriately tailored to the prevailing socio-legal parameters of international law
and the rights of national/ethnic minorities in the Americas, is typically not available to
those domestic and international agencies entrusted with the responsibility to oversee
Human Rights issues, especially as they apply to the U.S.A .. This modest exploratory
research effort was designed to assist in this important regard.

It was hypothesized that the socio-political attitudes held by African-Americans, relative to
the issue of "Self-Determination", can be explained by the life experiences of such
citizens. There were seven variables explored in relation to such citizen attitudes. They
were: voter registration status, gender, level of education, age, social status,
race/ethnicity, and geographic region of the country. In short, a systematic national
assessment of the attitudes of African-American citizens relative to the issue of "Self-
Determination" is deemed vital for any meaningful socio-political and/or economic
planning process that is consistent with international law. The following, therefore, is an
abbreviated overview of the findings of this unique and timely study.

Methodology & Treatment of Data

The U.S. Bureau of the Census as of 1990 reports that there are in excess of31 million
African-Americans who comprise roughly 12.4% of the American population. Using Census
Bureau criteria, twenty-four (24) key American cities were systematically selected as a
function of their: size (being rated large, midsize, and smaller metropolitan statistical areas
SMA's), being part of demographic clusters with high concentrations of African-Americans,
and being geographically reflective of the varied regions of the U.S.A. where African-
Americans are also proportionately represented (i.e. east, south, central and western
regions). In descending order of their proportional representation of the 71 0 subjects
subsequently identified and selected for this survey, the following are the 24 cities initially
selected as the target population area for study: New York City, NY (all 5 boroughs);
Chicago, IL; Detroit, MI; Atlanta, GA; Los Angeles, CA; Cleveland, OH; Baton Rouge, LA;
Oakland, CA; Jackson, MS; Fayetteville, NC; Richmond, VA; Louisville, KY; Seattle, WA;
Florence, SC; Nashville, TN; Las Vegas, NY; Tuscaloosa, AL; Longview, TX; Fort Pierce, FL;
Pine Bluff, AR; Atlantic City, NJ; Lawton, TX; Pascagoula, MS; and South Bend, IN.

Using U.S. Census data and computer accessed listing of residential phone numbers (by
zip codes) within each of these targeted communities which had the highest proportions
of African-American citizens, all subjects were selected using standard systematic
sampling procedures. Subjects were uniformly called and interviewed using a uniform
questionnaire consisting of 14 items (see Appendix A). Ideally, it was preferred that the
ultimate sample size be larger. Resources precluded this possibility. However, there was a
high degree of precision and thoroughness in the sampling procedures and data
collection process. Subjects' responses to survey items #'s 11-13 inclusive were averaged
and generated a composite score. These items dealt with their opinions relative to "Group
Rights", creation of a "National Assembly", and the issue of independent control over local
institutions and community services. Composite scores ranged from +3.00 (high self-
determination) to -3.00 (low self-determination). This factor was then statistically analyzed
as a function of the seven (7) subject variables noted below (e.g. age, gender,
race/ethnicity, etc).

Therefore, given established statistical indicators, it can be safely assumed that the
resulting data are highly robust and quite representative of the national opinions of the
African-American Community. Univariant and multivariant statistical analyses of the survey
data were performed. This treatment of survey data was done to test for possible
significant differences and/or correlations between subjects': voter registration status,
gender, level of education, age, social status, race/ethnicity, and geographic region; and
their general awareness of the socio-legal options afforded by international Human Rights
law and attitudes toward the issue of "Self-Determination" for African-Americans.  
Additionally, a regression analysis of the survey data was performed to identify which of
the above variable(s), or combination of variables, were best "predictors" of citizens'
attitudes toward the issue of "Self-Determination" of African-Americans. Of the 710 surveys
completed a total of 686 were deemed of sufficient quality and completeness to be used in
the final analysis.


The first 8 items of the 14 item survey asked subjects questions relative to establishing
their: residential zip code, native versus immigrant citizenry, voter registration status,
gender, level of education, age range, social class status, and racial/ethnic grouping. Of
the subjects surveyed 617 (89.94%) were "born in the U.S.A." while 69 (10.06%) born in
other countries. A full 621 (90.66%) were "registered to vote" and 64 (9.34%) were not
registered voters. Only 268 (39.12%) were male and 417 (60.88%) were female. Since
securing a telephone under one's name requires maintaining an adequate credit history,
stable employment, typically being the head of that household, etc., it might be inferred
that this gender imbalance is reflective of the omnipresent socio-economic pressure
disproportionately experienced by many African-American males. Results also revealed
that 140 (21.21 %) of the subjects had "not completed high school", 226 (34.24%) were "high
school graduates", 156 (23.64%) had "some college" training, 61 (9.24%) were "college
graduates", and 77 (11.67%) had "post-collegiate study".

Additionally, it was revealed that 32 (4.69%) were between the ages of 18-25, 95 (13.91 %)
were 26-35 years of age, 178 (26.06%) were in the 36-49 age category, 166 (24.30%) were in
the 50-64 age group, and finally 212 (31.04%) were over 65 years of age. It was also found
that 517 (76.71 %) of all subjects reported living in "blue collar/working class communities",
while the remaining 157 (23.29%) claimed to reside in predominantly "white
collar/professional class" neighborhoods. It was noted that 519 (76.10%) of those surveyed
were African-American, while 73 (10.70%) were European-American, and 90 (13.20%) were of
other racial/ethnic backgrounds (e.g. Latino, Asian, and Native-Americans). This 75%+
proportion of African-American subjects tended to be reflective of the average
demographic percentage of African-Americans residing in targeted "zip code" clusters
within the 24 aforementioned cities. The following regional/geographic distribution of
subjects was likewise noted.

Region                         Number                Percentage of Sample
Eastern States                      196                                28.57%
Southern States                    171                                24.93%
Central States                       229                                33.38%
Western States                       90                                13.12%
                               ______                       ___________
                                      686                                100.00%

Profile of Subjects' Response to Survey Items:

As noted in the appended sample survey, items numbered 9-14 were designed to assess
subjects' attitudes toward the issue of racism and racial discrimination in America, their
desire and preparedness to exercise varied modes of self-determination relative to their
community, and their level of satisfaction/dissatisfaction with African-American leadership.
The following represents an abbreviated profile of such findings. (Figures 1-3, as attached
to this report, also graphically depicts the subjects' response to key items 11-13 inclusive).

When asked if they believe that "racial inequality exist in American society", 87% of the
respondents reported "yes", while 8% said "no" and 6% remained "uncertain". Additionally,
when asked if they knew that the United Nations (UN) and international law provide socio-
legal instrumentation for national/ethnic minorities to exercise varied options of "local
control over the institutions, services, and taxes of their communities", 84% appeared to
be totally unfamiliar with such rights while just 26% responded "yes". When asked more
specifically if African-Americans have a right, in certain instances, to be treated as a
"collective body" and not just as "individuals" in the "attempt to address their common
problems and needs", 69% of African-Americans surveyed reported "yes", 14% were
"uncertain" and 19% said "no".

Sixty-six (66%) percent of all African-Americans surveyed felt that "African-American voters
should participate in an independent election to create a National Assembly to help
monitor and represent their own collective interests", Results further indicated that 14% of
all African-Americans surveyed were "uncertain" in this regard, while 20% said "no". When
asked if they would be in favor of "having some degree of independent control over those
institutions and services that most directly affect their own communities"; 81 % of all
African-Americans said "yes”, only 9% were "uncertain" and 10% responded "no". Lastly, it
was found that 56% of those surveyed were "somewhat/very satisfied" with African-
American Leadership while 44% fell within the "somewhat/very dissatisfied" range.

The composite measure of "Self-Determination" (item #'s 11-13 inclusive) revealed that
75.07% of all respondents and 80.16% of African-Americans were in the "Support" range of
SELF-DETERMINATION for African-Americans, while 16.91 % of all subjects were "Non-
Supportive" and 8.02% were in the range of "Uncertainty".

Tests of statistical significance were performed to assess differences between the seven
subject variables (e.g. gender, age, race/ethnicity, etc) and their general awareness of the
socio-legal options afforded by international law as evidenced by their response to item #
10 above. For example, subjects who were "not born in the U.S.A" were significantly MORE
aware of this option by a confidence level of .05. However, they were also significantly
LESS supportive of "Community Control" (item # 13) and "Self-Determination" for African-
Americans than were native-born subjects. This was also evidenced by a confidence level
of .05.

Registered Voters vs. Non-Registered:

Citizens who were not-registered to vote were found to be significantly LESS supportive of
the concept of establishing a "National Assembly" and greater "community control" for
African-Americans than were those who were registered voters. This was noted in their
respective responses to items # 12 and # 13. Registered voters responded "yes" to these
questions revealing a positive pattern that was consistently and significantly different
from "non-registered" subjects. The levels of statistical significance were .019 and .015
respectively. Finally, in assessing their respective overall measures of "Self-
Determination", those respondents who were registered voters were significantly more
desirous of "Self-Determination" (at the .003 level), than were subjects who were NOT
registered to vote.

Gender Differences:

Female subjects were significantly MORE in favor of "African-Americans having some
degree of independent control over institutions and services that most directly affect their
own community", than were male subjects. This was revealed by way of their respective
responses to survey item # 13, and a .009 level of statistical significance. Similarly, female
respondents also showed a composite "Self-Determination" score that was significantly
more supportive than were their male counterparts (.022 level of confidence).

Social Class Differences:

Those subjects living is "Blue-collar/Working-Class" neighborhoods were significantly
more in favor of the independent creation of a "National Assembly" and increased
"Community Control" for African-Americans than were respondents living in "White-
Collar/Professional Class" communities. This was confirmed by their responses to items #'
s 12 and 13 , and .000 levels of statistical significance respectively. Similarly, respondents
living in "Blue-Collar/Working- Class" communities expressed a significantly greater desire
for "Self-Determination" than did their "White-Collar/Professional Class" counterparts. This
was also evidenced by a .000 confidence level.  However, it should be noted that in spite
of this variation it is still important to realize that irrespective of the variables of social-
class, age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, etc.; 75% of all citizens and 80% of African-
Americans were in the "support" range of expressing "Self-Determination" for African-

Racial/Ethnic Differences:

Data revealed that African-American subjects believed that the magnitude of the degree of
racial inequality in American society is far greater than that perceived by all the "Non-
African-American" subjects combined (item # 9B, .002 level of confidence). "Non-African-
American" subjects, as a group, were significantly far less supportive of the independent
creation of a "National Assembly" for African-American citizens than were African-American
citizens themselves. This sharp difference was noted in their respective responses to
item # 12, and a .000 level of statistical significance. Also, as a group, all "Non-African-
American" respondents differed significantly from the African-American subjects in that
the former were much less supportive of "African-Americans having some degree of
independent control over those institutions and services that most directly affect their
own communities". This difference was noted in their respective responses to item # 13,
and a .000 confidence level. This was true in spite of the fact that a resounding 81 % of all
African-American citizens responded "yes" to this item. Finally, results likewise revealed
that "Non-African-American" respondents were also significantly less inclined to express
support for African-American "Self-Determination" than were African-Americans
themselves (.000 level of statistical significance noted). Conversely, African-American
citizens were dramatically much more in support of "Self-Determination" for African-
Americans than were European-Americans (difference at .000 level of confidence) or, as
mentioned, all other racial/ethnic groups combined.

Educational Differences:

To insure that the possible interaction of the "race/ethnicity", "social class" and
"education" variables did not inadvertently give rise to a faulty analysis, the "education"
profile of ONLY those respondents who are African-American was used for this
assessment. Therefore, any statistical variations that might be noted would be attributable
to the true differences in "educational" background only. In most instances, results
indicated that this variable did not significantly contribute to major differences in the
responses of African-American subjects. However, several interesting patterns did
emerge. For example, African-Americans having completed at least a B.A. degree and
those having "Graduate/Professional School" training—as opposed to those with less than
12 years of education—were significantly MORE inclined to believe that "African-Americans
have the right to be treated as a 'collective body', and not just as 'individuals', in the
attempt to address their common problems and concerns". This was noted by their
responses to item # 11, and confidence levels of .03 and .04 respectively. Finally, results
further indicated that those African-Americans having "some college" were significantly
more dissatisfied with the "overall quality and direction of African-American Leadership"
than were those who completed less than the 12th grade. This was confirmed at the .01
level of significance.

Age Differences:

Results indicated that in most instances the "age" variable, on balance, did not
significantly contribute to major differences in subjects' responses. However, just one
notable pattern was detected. Subjects in the 36-49 year old cohort tended to be
significantly more dissatisfied with the "overall quality and direction of today's African-
American Leadership" than were citizens in the 65+ year old age bracket (.03 confidence
level). No other significant differences were detected.

Geographic/Regional Differences:

The survey revealed that citizens in the Eastern Region of the U.S.A., who agreed that
"racial inequality exists in American society", felt that such inequality exists to a more
significant degree than do similar subjects who reside in either the Southern or Central
Regions of the country. This was evidenced by levels of statistical significance of .017 and .
020 respectively. Similarly, subjects from the Western Region of the U.S.A. also differed
from subjects in South in this regard (.019 level of confidence) and also from citizens in
the Central States (.026 level), in that they too reported experiencing a greater degree of
"inequality". Additionally, citizens in the Central Region of the U.S.A. responded with
greater favor ability to item # 11 (i.e. the right to be treated as a "collective body") than did
subjects in either the Eastern or Southern Regions (.021 and .000 levels respectively).
Citizens from the Central States also responded more favorably to the issue of "community
control" (item # 13) than did those in the Southern portion of the U.S.A. (.056 level). Lastly,
and most importantly, it was noted that citizens in the Eastern Region of the U.S.A. were
stronger supporters of "Self-Determination" for African-Americans than those in the South
(.049 level), while subjects in the Central States were even more strongly supportive than
both citizens in the Eastern and Southern Regions of America (confidence levels of .058
and .000 respectively). It should be noted, however, that all regions of the country were
well within the overall 75% national "support range" for "Self-Determination" for African-
American citizens. In looking at each of the 24 cities investigated, the data suggests that,
in the following order, the cities of Detroit, Michigan; Chicago, Illinois and New York City,
New York have voiced the most notable and positive expression of "Self-Determination"
for African-American citizens.

Regression Analysis of Data:

The above described univariate (t-test) analyses permitted the detection of any area(s) of
statistically significant differences between subject variables (i.e. voter registration
status, gender, age, education, race/ethnicity, etc), and their corresponding response
pattern to survey items #'s 9 - 14 inclusive. Major differences have been noted and
profiled above. However, a more robust and comprehensive regression analysis of the
data was likewise performed (see Figure 3). This was done to determine which of the
above noted subject variables, singularly and/or in combination, would be the best
predictor(s) of a "positive" or "negative" measure of "Self-Determination". Such a
regression analysis revealed that the singularly most potent predictor of citizen attitudes
in this regard was race/ethnicity (P-value of .000 level of confidence). Additionally, and in
descending order, such factors as the subjects' level of education, social class, being
"registered v not-registered" to vote; were also found to have significant predictive
influence on citizen opinions concerning "Self-Determination". Such influence was noted
by P-values of .020,.021, and .031 respectively.

Discussion & Recommendations

The International Human Rights Association of American Minorities (IHRAAM), a NGO in
consultative status with the United Nations (U.N.), conducted a national phone survey of
710 systematically sampled and predominantly African-American subjects during the month
of May, 1999. Subjects were selected from 24 key cities throughout the U.S.A., which
represented a demographically/geographically stratified cross-section of those territorial
clusters where African-American citizens are predominantly concentrated as evidenced by
U.S. Bureau of Census data. The purpose of this survey was to generate much needed
basal information relative to citizen awareness of the socio-legal options afforded by
international Human Rights Law, and attitudes regarding the issue of "Self-Determination"
for African-Americans.

Seven (7) subject variables were explored in relation to citizen awareness and attitude
scores. These variables were: voter registration status, gender, level of education, age,
social status, race/ethnicity, and geographic region of residence. The systematic sample
ultimately resulted in a total of 686 usable surveys. A more detailed profile of subject
characteristics are profiled above. While 90% were born in the U.S.A., 10% came from other
countries. Ninety-one (91 %) were registered to vote while 9% were not. Only 39% were
male and 61 % were female. It was noted that 21 % had "not" completed high school, 34%
were high school graduates, 24% had completed "some college", 9% were college
graduates, and 12% had some level of "post-collegiate" study. Subject ages ranged from
18-65+ years of age, while 77% reported living in "blue-collar/working class" communities,
and 23% claimed to reside in "white-collar/professional class" neighborhoods. It was noted
that 76% of the citizens surveyed were African-American, 11 % were European-Americans,
and 13% were of other racial/ethnic backgrounds. Finally, results indicated that 29% of the
citizens surveyed resided in the Eastern Regions of the U.S.A., 25% in the Southern States,
33% in the Central Region, and 13% in the Western Region. All data compiled were subject
to thorough statistical analyses.

Several subject variables were proven to be significantly related to the attitudes
expressed regarding "Self-Determination". In short, a regression analysis revealed that
the singularly most potent predictor of "positive" citizen attitudes toward this issue was
race/ethnicity. It was found that African-American citizens, in aggregate, who have "college
level" training, live in "blue-collar/working class" neighborhoods, and who are "registered
voters"; demonstrate the statistically strongest desire to have their 'collective rights"
recognized, create an independent National Assembly to represent their common
interests, and to "exert independent control over those institutions and services that
most directly affect their own communities". Conversely, "Non-African-American" citizens,
as a group, and those who are not "native-born", live in the Southern Region of the U.S.A.,
and are over 65 years of age; represent those who are statistically far less supportive of
these goals.

Recommendations: As previously evidenced by the aforementioned 1995 report of the UN
Special Rapporteur concerning forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and
related intolerance in the U.S.A.; this fledgling study further confirms the lingering effects
of such maladies upon the formerly enslaved and largest national/ethnic minority (e.g.
African-Americans) in America. All current socio-economic indicators still dramatically
reflect the systemic and ever-worsening disparities between African-Americans and the
dominant American population. More specifically, however, the findings bring into clear
focus the possibility of very pragmatic and action-oriented socio-legal strategies that
might be collaboratively explored by African-Americans and the dominant society, in
seeking the comprehensive and long overdue eradication of all vestiges of racism and
racial discrimination. The African-American view of "self-determination", as positively
expressed in these findings, might serve as a procedural prototype to be explored by
other national/ethnic minorities throughout the Americas. Therefore, in light of the results
of this exploratory survey, it is respectfully recommended that:

(1)        The U.N. Human Rights Commission, The World Conference on Racism, along with
the Special Working Group on Minorities, should take special note of the potential
implications of these exploratory findings; particularly as relates to the internationally
binding obligations of the U.S.A..

(2)        In its capacity as a NOD in consultative status (roster) with the Economic & Social
Council of the U.N., IHRAAM is both willing and able to collaborate with any/all appropriate
localh1ational/international organizations in the further articulation of any future research
and/or cognate activities that might be suggested by this investigation.

(3)        It is strongly recommended that similar and more comprehensive investigative
studies relative to the concerns of national/ethnic minorities be conducted throughout the
U.S.A. and other appropriate nations in the Americas.

(4)        In light of the overwhelming and statistically significant indications that African-
American citizens are strongly desirous of exploring options leading to "Self-
Determination" of their communities (in accordance with national/international law); it is
strongly recommended that formal steps be taken to conduct a "National Plebiscite" on
this issue among all African-American voters, while similarly striving to establish a
"National Consultative Assembly" which would help represent and monitor their collective

Note: Those interested in a more comprehensive statistical analysis and profile of survey
findings, please contact Dr. Farid I. Muhammad c/o IHRAAM website at - http://www.ihraam.

                                                              F.I.M. August, 2000
An international NGO in consultative status with the United Nations
Summary & Results   

In the Fall of 2013, using a similar survey instrument and
methodology, IHRAAM conducted a follow up study of its earlier
national research as summarized above. However, limitations
imposed by the practicality of such factors as location and
human resources dictated that such a study be delimited to a
more micro-level analysis of targeted racial/ethnic communities
in the City of Chicago, Illinois. Chicago serves as a USA regional
base for IHRAAM activities. Again, using U.S. Bureau of Census
criteria (2010), seventeen (17) of the "zip code" areas in
Chicago, having a "majority" African-American population, were
targeted for study.    

Using computer accessed listings of residential phone numbers
(by zip code), a total of 346 subjects were eventually selected
and interviewed by phone using standard systematic sampling  
procedures.  In descending order of the proportional
representation of the number of subjects in the study, the
following "zip code" areas were included:  60609, 60637, 60653,
60617, 60649, 60621, 60623, 60615, 60643, 60613, 60632, 60620,
60628, 60625, 60629, 60612, 60640. An additional ten (10)
Non-Chicago-based but contiguous collar/suburban "zip code"
areas were included. However, this segment comprised only 36
cases or 10.4% of all 346 subjects included in the study.

Of the 346 subjects in the study, 215 (62.14%) were
African-American, 50 (14.45%) were Hispanic, 43 (12.43%) were
European-American, 27 (7.80%) were Asian-American and 11
(3.18%) were self-identified as "Other". There were 169 (48.82%)
subjects who were male
and 177 (51.18%) female. Slightly more than half of the subjects
(51.45%) were under 34 years of age, while 10.22% had more than
16 years of education. A solid 273 (81.74%) were registered
voters and 74.46% were self-identified
"blue-collar/working-class" individuals.    
A total of 67.63% of subjects saw themselves as being
"moderately" to "very religious".   6 of 10

Similar to many other major American cities, Chicago is presently
characterized by a very notable degree of racial/ethnic and
socio-economic  stratification. While a common home to all
Chicagoans, it too exemplifies a "tale of two cities". One rich and
one poor. One Black and one White. This phenomenon is well
evidenced in the following (Table 1) which contrasts major
"socio-economic indicators" as a function of such data at the
National, Chicago-Citywide and "Community" (contiguous/cluster
zip-codes) levels.  Table 2 shows the geographic distribution of
"census-tract/zip-code" areas in the City of Chicago. For
purposes of highlighting such local yet dramatic socio-economic
contrast, two separate and largely contiguous "zip code" areas
have been identified. One area was a subset of 3 of the 17
predominantly African-American "zip codes" used in the study
and contained 34.2% of all subjects surveyed. The other sample
area consisted of three (3) contiguous "zip code" areas from the
Northside of Chicago.

Both cluster areas face beautiful Lake Michigan and are roughly
less than 10 miles apart. They are separated only by the Central
Business District (CBD) or Chicago's "Loop". As can be noted,
the predominantly African-American "cluster area" is on the
"Southside" and is comprised of zip code #'s 60637, 60649, and
60653. Again, it was noted that 34.2% of all subjects surveyed
reside within this community area. In contrast, the largely
European-American "cluster area" is on Chicago's "Northside"
and is comprised of zip code #'s 60613, 60614, and 60657. Given
the scope and purpose of this study, no surveys were
conducted in this area at this time.         

The composite percentage (9.2%) of BA+ years of education for
those residing in the African-American cluster area is
comparable to the "national average" (9.3%). However, it can still
be noted that the composite "median family income" ($34,587)
for those in this same area is $29,998 below that of the "national"
standard of $64,585. Similarly, these same "Southside" and
Lakefront residents have a "median family income" that is a
resounding $105,753 below that of their "Northside"
counterparts ($140,685). The composite poverty rate (33.5%) in
the  sample "Southside" community cluster is more than twice
that of the national average (14.9%) and nearly three times that
(11.8%) of its "Northside" Chicago neighbors. Unfortunately, a
contemporary form of racial and socio-economic "urban
apartheid" appears to exist and remains alive and well in

As with the first study, a thorough statistical analyses of all 346
surveys was performed.
The data were analyzed to test for any statistically significant
differences between subjects' gender, age, level of education,
race/ethnicity, level of religiosity, social class and voter
registration status when contrasted with their overall attitude
toward "Community Empowerment" or "Self-Determination" for
African-Americans. As before, an additional regression analysis
of the survey data was done to identify which of the above
subject variables, or combination of variables, were the best
predictors of residents' attitudes toward the issue of community
For nearly three centuries, African Americans lived under legal systems (slavery, segregation), which separated them by law from other Americans..
When white-dominated America finally agreed to "bring African Americans into America under a system of legal equality", were there other options by
which this might have been accomplished other than by simply imposing civil rights (same rights for all)?  Did African Americans know this new legal
regimen would lead to the progressive de-institutionalization of former centers of African American empowerment as African American individuals
became absorbed into a Euro-American-dominated system?  Did they know there were other options, well understood in the customary law of states, for
incorporating other peoples into larger state units?  Were African Americans ever asked what they wanted?  This may be the first attempt to
scientifically derive an answer to whether African Americans view themselves as a people, and wish to continue to exist into the future as such.
Coming soon:
A similar community survey being conducted among
130,886 residents of  Atlanta, Georgia (85.3 % of whom are
African-American) and who live in U.S. census tract areas
that are geographically contiguous to three (3) major
HBCUs. This study, which will be completed by December,
2014, is designed to assess the levels of socio-political,
economic and cultural synergy that exist between these
premier and exemplary HBCUs and the largely blighted
ethnic communities in which these institutions exist
QUESTION 1: Do you believe that in certain instances African-
Americans have the right to be treated as a “collective body”,
and not just as “individuals”, in the attempt to address their
common problems and needs?
QUESTION 2:  If presented with the opportunity, should African-
American voters participate in an independent election to
create a “National Assembly” to help monitor and represent
their own collective interest?
QUESTION 3: Would you be in favor of African-American
having some degree of independent control over those
institutions and services that most directly affect their own